Nation Building: Resisting Afrikaner Separatist Bid a Collective Task in SA's Democracy Journey

Members of the uMkhonto weSizwe MK Party gathered at the Cape Town Central Police Station last month to open a case of treason against AfriForum. The actions of AfriForum and Solidarity are undeniably treasonous, but we must not mirror the oppressive tactics reminiscent of the apartheid era, says the writer.

Members of the uMkhonto weSizwe MK Party gathered at the Cape Town Central Police Station last month to open a case of treason against AfriForum. The actions of AfriForum and Solidarity are undeniably treasonous, but we must not mirror the oppressive tactics reminiscent of the apartheid era, says the writer.

Published Mar 8, 2025

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Dr. Reneva Fourie

The misleading narratives from AfriForum and Solidarity continue to capture widespread attention in our country, as they pose serious risks to our economy.

Moreover, these allegations reveal significant flaws in our efforts toward national unity. A parliamentary diagnostic report on social cohesion and nation-building published in 2015 exposes the alarming rise of racism, class division, social fragmentation, and the ongoing marginalisation of women since our democratic transition.

These findings are affirmed in a 2024 report by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR), which also starkly illustrates that the entrenched issues of poverty, unemployment, and unequal ownership of land and industry – hallmarks of the apartheid era – persist unabated. Addressing the structural inhibitors of nation-building will prove far more effective than prosecuting secessionists for treason.

Undoubtedly, a key obstacle to genuine nation-building lies in interpreting Section 235 of the 1996 Constitution, which recognises the right to self-determination. This clause underpins renewed calls for provincial autonomy from the Democratic Alliance, with roots in the Democratic Party’s historical push for federalism during negotiations.

Similarly, some segments of the Afrikaner community, who then advocated for separatism, are increasingly vocal about their desire for self-determination. However, these interpretations diverge sharply from the spirit of the Constitution.

Section 235 pertains to cultural or non-territorial autonomy, permitting groups defined by their culture, language, or religion to manage aspects of their identity without necessitating a dedicated territory. The enabling frameworks already exist in both theory and practice.

The Bill of Rights guarantees the freedom to use language and partake in cultural activities. Section 31 of the Constitution explicitly protects the rights of cultural, religious, and linguistic communities.

Our language policy officially recognises twelve languages, including sign language, and the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious, and Linguistic Communities exists to protect these rights.

The claims of Afrikaners seeking self-determination are significantly compromised by their colonial history, the absence of a concentrated territory, and their linguistic overlap with other groups. Emerging from European colonialism, Afrikaners established themselves as a dominant force through conquest and systemic oppression, affirming their role as architects of apartheid. Consequently, their narrative of seeking liberation from oppression lacks legitimacy.

Self-determination fundamentally requires a clearly defined geographic foundation – a territory wherein a group has historically existed as a distinct community.

Yet, Afrikaners are dispersed throughout the country without any singular region they can claim as their exclusive homeland. While Afrikaans are often viewed as a unifying aspect of Afrikaner identity, the language is also spoken by millions of South Africans from various racial and ethnic backgrounds.

Rather than pursuing divisive self-determination, they should prioritise a future that champions integration, cooperation, and a collective sense of nationhood.

The actions of AfriForum and Solidarity are undeniably treasonous, but we must not mirror the oppressive tactics reminiscent of the apartheid era. These organisations are exaggerating their perceived victimhood in reaction to the legitimate grievances arising from their betrayal of our people's trust. Instead, we should intensify our efforts to ensure all South Africans feel included. 

Despite our government’s efforts to foster unity and a shared national identity, our journey is far from over.

Initiatives such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, followed by the IJR, alongside the formulation of theNational Strategy for Social Cohesion,as well as annual celebrations like the National Arts Festival and Heritage Month, highlight the government’s commitment. Furthermore, including a specific outcome in the National Development Plan – outcome number 14 – focused on nation-building and social cohesion reinforces this dedication. 

However, the brutal and repressive nature of apartheid has not been adequately exposed or addressed. The design of the apartheid museum, while artistic, lacks relatability and fails to convey the true gravity of the experience.

Our educational curriculums remain largely unchanged and have not been sufficiently decolonised, leading to a significant gap in understanding for those born after 1994 regarding life under apartheid.

Meanwhile, many who benefited from the oppressive regime seem all too willing to forget the past, demanding the return of their former privileges without any remorse and rejecting the idea of reparations. History must be neither buried nor ignored; it must be acknowledged and remembered to ensure that the atrocities of the past are never repeated.

Social cohesion and nation-building demand continuous effort and a collective commitment to a united future. This is not just the job of a few; it is a responsibility we all must embrace.

We all share the duty to promote social cohesion and foster national unity. Structurally, the fundamental issues of land reform and economic justice cannot be avoided.

These deeply rooted injustices work against efforts towards reconciliation and creating a peaceful and stable country. Along with the use of education, culture, and art, this will have to be championed by the government. The mainstream media should also work harder to create inclusive narratives advocating unity and national pride. 

Ultimately, though, the greater responsibility lies with each of us. We must take decisive action to confront our biases and actively contribute to building a more inclusive society.

We must avoid making assumptions about individuals based on their physical appearance or gender and subtle comments or actions that reinforce stereotypes.

We must speak out against prejudices and amplify the voices of genuinely marginalised groups. Moreover, we must lead in fostering meaningful cross-cultural interactions and economic and social transformation.

South Africa’s post-apartheid government is taking decisive strides towards fostering social cohesion and driving nation-building.

By implementing robust constitutional reforms, enacting progressive legislation, launching impactful cultural initiatives and community programmes, and tangibly addressing historical injustices, we can unite our diverse population and heal the wounds of our past.

As we celebrate International Working Women’s Day and Human Rights Month, we reaffirm that building a cohesive and inclusive society is not just an aspiration – it is a fundamental pillar of South Africa’s democratic journey.

* Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security and co-author of the bookThe Art of Power: Pursuing Liberation and Nation-building’ 

** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.

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