Thembile Ndabeni
When we were growing up, we were taught about the Bantustan system and its leaders. The overall liberation Struggle entailed the end of the Bantustan system and its leaders.
The white minority oppressive government did not just impose its rule but, as time progressed, it studied the mindset of the people it oppressed, black people. Knowing the culture of the people you oppress makes it easy to manipulate them.
The story of Nongqawuse was continuing. Transkei was not easy to to turn into a Bantustan.
This is because it comprised different houses from the Thembu royalty. Though it is contestable, there were three main houses in the Thembu family: upper house-Dalindyebo/Sabata/Buyelekhaya, Matanzima and Mandela.
Without entertaining other issues irrelevant here and now, the first has been proved as an upper house, even then. But the white minority government turned it around to favour itself.
King Sabata was not a puppet, so the government assisted its puppet, Kaiser Daliwonga “KD” Matanzima, in overthrowing King Sabata, and put Matanzima on top, as the “paramount chief”.
How can a chief, whether with the attachment “paramount” or not, be on top of the king?
Transkei, just like any other Bantustan, was “independent within the confines of Pretoria, the apartheid regime”, “autonomous within the bounds of the apartheid regime”.
This was a true reflection of the “independence” it got in 1976, a country within a country. History has a tendency of repeating itself.
From the beginning, rhetoric was used by Matanzima and his master against King Sabata Dalindyebo. This was obviously meant to promote himself and his system while damning King Sabata’s reputation and what he stood for.
Finally, KD Matanzima was in power with the king. He was ruthless, just like his master, or worse, not tolerating opposition.
The death of the student leader, Batandwa Ndodo, whom he killed in cahoots with his master, is one example of the collaboration of gangsterism.
People from the Transkei who lived in South Africa lost their citizenship because “they had their own country”, Transkei.
Urbanisation, even under difficult conditions, was a true reflection of what was happening in the Transkei – suffering.
At some stage, he had to step down and give way to his brother, George, who was forced out of office because of a corruption probe. He was succeeded by Stella Sigcau.
Sigcau was accused of corruption for receiving bribes from Sol Kerzner
in return for granting gambling rights. General Bantu Holomisa was in charge until a first democratic dispensation was installed.
After the 1994 general election and the reunification of South Africa, the new unitary state established nine provinces. Apart from Holomisa’s administration which ended because of the reunification, Matanzima’s administration must be compared to that of his brother George, Sigcau and the ANC.
His brother, who was probed for corruption, was booted out of the race, no comparison. The same applies to Sigcau.
The worst side of Matanzima’s administration was repression and coercion. But, honestly, there was stability, law and order. Being in Mthatha after a long time, I was shocked by the level of lawlessness, disrespect and “looseness”, real pandemonium. Under Matanzima, there were factories and other businesses. The former Transkei is in a state of dilapidation, and weeping for its past.
Before he passed on, Matanzima had to watch the “independent republic of Transkei” he worked hard to build dismantled. Though he does not deserve any honour, for history purposes, it is worth penning down that June 15, 2023 marked the 20th anniversary of his death.
Ndabeni is a former history tutor at UWC and a former teacher at Bulumko Senior Secondary School in Khayelitsha
Cape Times